coulomb/markitect-main
2
0
Fork 0
Code Issues 62 Pull Requests Actions Projects 12 Releases 1 Wiki Activity

feat(llm): add LLM integration module with OpenRouter and Claude Code adapters

Browse Source 
Implements markitect/llm/ package with concrete LLMAdapter implementations:
- OpenRouterAdapter: HTTP via urllib with retry/backoff on 429/5xx
- ClaudeCodeAdapter: subprocess-based Claude CLI with stdin piping
- Factory pattern: create_adapter("openrouter") or create_adapter("claude-code")
- API key resolution chain: constructor > env var > project-root key file
- 42 unit tests, 2 integration tests (gated on API key / CLI availability)

Also adds the infospace-with-history example with Wealth of Nations VSM
analysis pipeline, templates, schemas, source chapters, and processed
output for chapters 1-2. process_chapters.py now supports --provider
and --model flags for automatic LLM-driven processing.

Co-Authored-By: Claude Opus 4.6 <noreply@anthropic.com>
This commit is contained in:
Bernd Worsch
2026-02-11 01:17:58 +01:00
parent 360c3b1de2
commit fecc2fd4fa
82 changed files with 43767 additions and 0 deletions
Download Patch File Download Diff File Expand all files Collapse all files

564
examples/infospace-with-history/output/entities/book-1-chapter-01-prompt.md Normal file
View File

@@ -0,0 +1,564 @@
# Extract Economic Entities
You are an analytical economist specializing in classical economic theory.
Your task is to extract distinct economic entities from a chapter of
Adam Smith's *The Wealth of Nations*.
## Source Chapter
---
id: book-1-chapter-01
title: "OF THE DIVISION OF LABOUR."
book: "1"
chapter: 1
artifact_type: content
---
CHAPTER I.
OF THE DIVISION OF LABOUR.
The greatest improvements in the productive powers of labour, and the
greater part of the skill, dexterity, and judgment, with which it is
anywhere directed, or applied, seem to have been the effects of the
division of labour. The effects of the division of labour, in the general
business of society, will be more easily understood, by considering in
what manner it operates in some particular manufactures. It is commonly
supposed to be carried furthest in some very trifling ones; not perhaps
that it really is carried further in them than in others of more
importance: but in those trifling manufactures which are destined to
supply the small wants of but a small number of people, the whole number
of workmen must necessarily be small; and those employed in every
different branch of the work can often be collected into the same
workhouse, and placed at once under the view of the spectator.
In those great manufactures, on the contrary, which are destined to supply
the great wants of the great body of the people, every different branch of
the work employs so great a number of workmen, that it is impossible to
collect them all into the same workhouse. We can seldom see more, at one
time, than those employed in one single branch. Though in such
manufactures, therefore, the work may really be divided into a much
greater number of parts, than in those of a more trifling nature, the
division is not near so obvious, and has accordingly been much less
observed.
To take an example, therefore, from a very trifling manufacture, but one
in which the division of labour has been very often taken notice of, the
trade of a pin-maker: a workman not educated to this business (which the
division of labour has rendered a distinct trade), nor acquainted with the
use of the machinery employed in it (to the invention of which the same
division of labour has probably given occasion), could scarce, perhaps,
with his utmost industry, make one pin in a day, and certainly could not
make twenty. But in the way in which this business is now carried on, not
only the whole work is a peculiar trade, but it is divided into a number
of branches, of which the greater part are likewise peculiar trades. One
man draws out the wire; another straights it; a third cuts it; a fourth
points it; a fifth grinds it at the top for receiving the head; to make
the head requires two or three distinct operations; to put it on is a
peculiar business; to whiten the pins is another; it is even a trade by
itself to put them into the paper; and the important business of making a
pin is, in this manner, divided into about eighteen distinct operations,
which, in some manufactories, are all performed by distinct hands, though
in others the same man will sometimes perform two or three of them. I have
seen a small manufactory of this kind, where ten men only were employed,
and where some of them consequently performed two or three distinct
operations. But though they were very poor, and therefore but
indifferently accommodated with the necessary machinery, they could, when
they exerted themselves, make among them about twelve pounds of pins in a
day. There are in a pound upwards of four thousand pins of a middling
size. Those ten persons, therefore, could make among them upwards of
forty-eight thousand pins in a day. Each person, therefore, making a tenth
part of forty-eight thousand pins, might be considered as making four
thousand eight hundred pins in a day. But if they had all wrought
separately and independently, and without any of them having been educated
to this peculiar business, they certainly could not each of them have made
twenty, perhaps not one pin in a day; that is, certainly, not the two
hundred and fortieth, perhaps not the four thousand eight hundredth, part
of what they are at present capable of performing, in consequence of a
proper division and combination of their different operations.
In every other art and manufacture, the effects of the division of labour
are similar to what they are in this very trifling one, though, in many of
them, the labour can neither be so much subdivided, nor reduced to so
great a simplicity of operation. The division of labour, however, so far
as it can be introduced, occasions, in every art, a proportionable
increase of the productive powers of labour. The separation of different
trades and employments from one another, seems to have taken place in
consequence of this advantage. This separation, too, is generally carried
furthest in those countries which enjoy the highest degree of industry and
improvement; what is the work of one man, in a rude state of society,
being generally that of several in an improved one. In every improved
society, the farmer is generally nothing but a farmer; the manufacturer,
nothing but a manufacturer. The labour, too, which is necessary to produce
any one complete manufacture, is almost always divided among a great
number of hands. How many different trades are employed in each branch of
the linen and woollen manufactures, from the growers of the flax and the
wool, to the bleachers and smoothers of the linen, or to the dyers and
dressers of the cloth! The nature of agriculture, indeed, does not admit
of so many subdivisions of labour, nor of so complete a separation of one
business from another, as manufactures. It is impossible to separate so
entirely the business of the grazier from that of the corn-farmer, as the
trade of the carpenter is commonly separated from that of the smith. The
spinner is almost always a distinct person from the weaver; but the
ploughman, the harrower, the sower of the seed, and the reaper of the
corn, are often the same. The occasions for those different sorts of
labour returning with the different seasons of the year, it is impossible
that one man should be constantly employed in any one of them. This
impossibility of making so complete and entire a separation of all the
different branches of labour employed in agriculture, is perhaps the
reason why the improvement of the productive powers of labour, in this
art, does not always keep pace with their improvement in manufactures. The
most opulent nations, indeed, generally excel all their neighbours in
agriculture as well as in manufactures; but they are commonly more
distinguished by their superiority in the latter than in the former. Their
lands are in general better cultivated, and having more labour and expense
bestowed upon them, produce more in proportion to the extent and natural
fertility of the ground. But this superiority of produce is seldom much
more than in proportion to the superiority of labour and expense. In
agriculture, the labour of the rich country is not always much more
productive than that of the poor; or, at least, it is never so much more
productive, as it commonly is in manufactures. The corn of the rich
country, therefore, will not always, in the same degree of goodness, come
cheaper to market than that of the poor. The corn of Poland, in the same
degree of goodness, is as cheap as that of France, notwithstanding the
superior opulence and improvement of the latter country. The corn of
France is, in the corn-provinces, fully as good, and in most years nearly
about the same price with the corn of England, though, in opulence and
improvement, France is perhaps inferior to England. The corn-lands of
England, however, are better cultivated than those of France, and the
corn-lands of France are said to be much better cultivated than those of
Poland. But though the poor country, notwithstanding the inferiority of
its cultivation, can, in some measure, rival the rich in the cheapness and
goodness of its corn, it can pretend to no such competition in its
manufactures, at least if those manufactures suit the soil, climate, and
situation, of the rich country. The silks of France are better and cheaper
than those of England, because the silk manufacture, at least under the
present high duties upon the importation of raw silk, does not so well
suit the climate of England as that of France. But the hardware and the
coarse woollens of England are beyond all comparison superior to those of
France, and much cheaper, too, in the same degree of goodness. In Poland
there are said to be scarce any manufactures of any kind, a few of those
coarser household manufactures excepted, without which no country can well
subsist.
This great increase in the quantity of work, which, in consequence of the
division of labour, the same number of people are capable of performing,
is owing to three different circumstances; first, to the increase of
dexterity in every particular workman; secondly, to the saving of the time
which is commonly lost in passing from one species of work to another;
and, lastly, to the invention of a great number of machines which
facilitate and abridge labour, and enable one man to do the work of many.
First, the improvement of the dexterity of the workmen, necessarily
increases the quantity of the work he can perform; and the division of
labour, by reducing every man’s business to some one simple operation, and
by making this operation the sole employment of his life, necessarily
increases very much the dexterity of the workman. A common smith, who,
though accustomed to handle the hammer, has never been used to make nails,
if, upon some particular occasion, he is obliged to attempt it, will
scarce, I am assured, be able to make above two or three hundred nails in
a day, and those, too, very bad ones. A smith who has been accustomed to
make nails, but whose sole or principal business has not been that of a
nailer, can seldom, with his utmost diligence, make more than eight
hundred or a thousand nails in a day. I have seen several boys, under
twenty years of age, who had never exercised any other trade but that of
making nails, and who, when they exerted themselves, could make, each of
them, upwards of two thousand three hundred nails in a day. The making of
a nail, however, is by no means one of the simplest operations. The same
person blows the bellows, stirs or mends the fire as there is occasion,
heats the iron, and forges every part of the nail: in forging the head,
too, he is obliged to change his tools. The different operations into
which the making of a pin, or of a metal button, is subdivided, are all of
them much more simple, and the dexterity of the person, of whose life it
has been the sole business to perform them, is usually much greater. The
rapidity with which some of the operations of those manufactures are
performed, exceeds what the human hand could, by those who had never seen
them, be supposed capable of acquiring.
Secondly, the advantage which is gained by saving the time commonly lost
in passing from one sort of work to another, is much greater than we
should at first view be apt to imagine it. It is impossible to pass very
quickly from one kind of work to another, that is carried on in a
different place, and with quite different tools. A country weaver, who
cultivates a small farm, must lose a good deal of time in passing from
his loom to the field, and from the field to his loom. When the two trades
can be carried on in the same workhouse, the loss of time is, no doubt,
much less. It is, even in this case, however, very considerable. A man
commonly saunters a little in turning his hand from one sort of employment
to another. When he first begins the new work, he is seldom very keen and
hearty; his mind, as they say, does not go to it, and for some time he
rather trifles than applies to good purpose. The habit of sauntering, and
of indolent careless application, which is naturally, or rather
necessarily, acquired by every country workman who is obliged to change
his work and his tools every half hour, and to apply his hand in twenty
different ways almost every day of his life, renders him almost always
slothful and lazy, and incapable of any vigorous application, even on the
most pressing occasions. Independent, therefore, of his deficiency in
point of dexterity, this cause alone must always reduce considerably the
quantity of work which he is capable of performing.
Thirdly, and lastly, everybody must be sensible how much labour is
facilitated and abridged by the application of proper machinery. It is
unnecessary to give any example. I shall only observe, therefore, that the
invention of all those machines by which labour is so much facilitated and
abridged, seems to have been originally owing to the division of labour.
Men are much more likely to discover easier and readier methods of
attaining any object, when the whole attention of their minds is directed
towards that single object, than when it is dissipated among a great
variety of things. But, in consequence of the division of labour, the
whole of every man’s attention comes naturally to be directed towards some
one very simple object. It is naturally to be expected, therefore, that
some one or other of those who are employed in each particular branch of
labour should soon find out easier and readier methods of performing their
own particular work, whenever the nature of it admits of such improvement.
A great part of the machines made use of in those manufactures in which
labour is most subdivided, were originally the invention of common
workmen, who, being each of them employed in some very simple operation,
naturally turned their thoughts towards finding out easier and readier
methods of performing it. Whoever has been much accustomed to visit such
manufactures, must frequently have been shewn very pretty machines, which
were the inventions of such workmen, in order to facilitate and quicken
their own particular part of the work. In the first fire engines {this was
the current designation for steam engines}, a boy was constantly employed
to open and shut alternately the communication between the boiler and the
cylinder, according as the piston either ascended or descended. One of
those boys, who loved to play with his companions, observed that, by tying
a string from the handle of the valve which opened this communication to
another part of the machine, the valve would open and shut without his
assistance, and leave him at liberty to divert himself with his
play-fellows. One of the greatest improvements that has been made upon
this machine, since it was first invented, was in this manner the
discovery of a boy who wanted to save his own labour.
All the improvements in machinery, however, have by no means been the
inventions of those who had occasion to use the machines. Many
improvements have been made by the ingenuity of the makers of the
machines, when to make them became the business of a peculiar trade; and
some by that of those who are called philosophers, or men of speculation,
whose trade it is not to do any thing, but to observe every thing, and
who, upon that account, are often capable of combining together the powers
of the most distant and dissimilar objects in the progress of society,
philosophy or speculation becomes, like every other employment, the
principal or sole trade and occupation of a particular class of citizens.
Like every other employment, too, it is subdivided into a great number of
different branches, each of which affords occupation to a peculiar tribe
or class of philosophers; and this subdivision of employment in
philosophy, as well as in every other business, improves dexterity, and
saves time. Each individual becomes more expert in his own peculiar
branch, more work is done upon the whole, and the quantity of science is
considerably increased by it.
It is the great multiplication of the productions of all the different
arts, in consequence of the division of labour, which occasions, in a
well-governed society, that universal opulence which extends itself to the
lowest ranks of the people. Every workman has a great quantity of his own
work to dispose of beyond what he himself has occasion for; and every
other workman being exactly in the same situation, he is enabled to
exchange a great quantity of his own goods for a great quantity or, what
comes to the same thing, for the price of a great quantity of theirs. He
supplies them abundantly with what they have occasion for, and they
accommodate him as amply with what he has occasion for, and a general
plenty diffuses itself through all the different ranks of the society.
Observe the accommodation of the most common artificer or daylabourer in a
civilized and thriving country, and you will perceive that the number of
people, of whose industry a part, though but a small part, has been
employed in procuring him this accommodation, exceeds all computation. The
woollen coat, for example, which covers the day-labourer, as coarse and
rough as it may appear, is the produce of the joint labour of a great
multitude of workmen. The shepherd, the sorter of the wool, the
wool-comber or carder, the dyer, the scribbler, the spinner, the weaver,
the fuller, the dresser, with many others, must all join their different
arts in order to complete even this homely production. How many merchants
and carriers, besides, must have been employed in transporting the
materials from some of those workmen to others who often live in a very
distant part of the country? How much commerce and navigation in
particular, how many ship-builders, sailors, sail-makers, rope-makers,
must have been employed in order to bring together the different drugs
made use of by the dyer, which often come from the remotest corners of the
world? What a variety of labour, too, is necessary in order to produce the
tools of the meanest of those workmen! To say nothing of such complicated
machines as the ship of the sailor, the mill of the fuller, or even the
loom of the weaver, let us consider only what a variety of labour is
requisite in order to form that very simple machine, the shears with which
the shepherd clips the wool. The miner, the builder of the furnace for
smelting the ore, the feller of the timber, the burner of the charcoal to
be made use of in the smelting-house, the brickmaker, the bricklayer, the
workmen who attend the furnace, the millwright, the forger, the smith,
must all of them join their different arts in order to produce them. Were
we to examine, in the same manner, all the different parts of his dress
and household furniture, the coarse linen shirt which he wears next his
skin, the shoes which cover his feet, the bed which he lies on, and all
the different parts which compose it, the kitchen-grate at which he
prepares his victuals, the coals which he makes use of for that purpose,
dug from the bowels of the earth, and brought to him, perhaps, by a long
sea and a long land-carriage, all the other utensils of his kitchen, all
the furniture of his table, the knives and forks, the earthen or pewter
plates upon which he serves up and divides his victuals, the different
hands employed in preparing his bread and his beer, the glass window which
lets in the heat and the light, and keeps out the wind and the rain, with
all the knowledge and art requisite for preparing that beautiful and happy
invention, without which these northern parts of the world could scarce
have afforded a very comfortable habitation, together with the tools of
all the different workmen employed in producing those different
conveniencies; if we examine, I say, all these things, and consider what a
variety of labour is employed about each of them, we shall be sensible
that, without the assistance and co-operation of many thousands, the very
meanest person in a civilized country could not be provided, even
according to, what we very falsely imagine, the easy and simple manner in
which he is commonly accommodated. Compared, indeed, with the more
extravagant luxury of the great, his accommodation must no doubt appear
extremely simple and easy; and yet it may be true, perhaps, that the
accommodation of an European prince does not always so much exceed that of
an industrious and frugal peasant, as the accommodation of the latter
exceeds that of many an African king, the absolute masters of the lives
and liberties of ten thousand naked savages.
## Extraction Guidelines
---
id: extraction-rules
name: extraction_rules
artifact_type: content
description: Guidelines for extracting economic entities from source text
version: 1.0.0
---
# Entity Extraction Rules
## What Constitutes an Entity
An economic entity is a distinct concept, actor, mechanism, or institution
that plays a functional role in Adam Smith's economic analysis. Extract
entities at the level of specificity where they carry independent meaning.
## Extraction Criteria
1. **Concepts**: Abstract economic ideas (e.g., "division of labour",
"effectual demand", "natural price"). Extract when Smith defines,
explains, or argues about the concept.
2. **Actors**: Economic agents with defined roles (e.g., "the labourer",
"the merchant", "the sovereign"). Extract when the actor performs
a distinct economic function.
3. **Mechanisms**: Processes or dynamics that produce economic effects
(e.g., "accumulation of stock", "market price adjustment",
"foreign trade"). Extract when the mechanism is described as
producing specific outcomes.
4. **Institutions**: Organised structures that shape economic behaviour
(e.g., "the corporation", "the guild", "the joint-stock company").
Extract when the institution's economic function is described.
## Granularity Rules
- Extract at the level of a single coherent concept.
- Do NOT extract synonyms as separate entities — choose the primary term
Smith uses and note variations.
- DO extract distinct aspects of a broad concept as separate entities when
Smith treats them independently (e.g., "wages of labour" and "profits
of stock" are separate from "price of commodities" even though they
compose it).
- If an entity appears across multiple chapters, extract it on first
significant appearance and note cross-references in later chapters.
## Naming Conventions
- Use Smith's own terminology where possible.
- Normalise to lowercase except for proper nouns.
- Use the most common form Smith uses (e.g., "division of labour" not
"divided labour").
## Quality Checks
- Each entity must have a definition that would be comprehensible without
reading the source chapter.
- Each entity must cite the specific book and chapter of first appearance.
- Economic Domain must be one of: Production, Distribution, Exchange,
Consumption, Accumulation, Regulation, or General Theory.
## VSM Framework Context
Use the following VSM framework as context to guide your extraction.
Prioritize entities that are likely to have clear mappings to VSM concepts,
but do not exclude entities simply because they lack an obvious mapping.
---
id: vsm-framework
name: vsm_framework
artifact_type: content
description: Stafford Beer's Viable System Model reference for economic analysis
version: 1.0.0
---
# Stafford Beer's Viable System Model (VSM)
The Viable System Model (VSM) is a model of the organisational structure of any
autonomous system capable of producing itself. It was created by management
cybernetician Stafford Beer in his books *Brain of the Firm* (1972) and
*The Heart of Enterprise* (1979).
## Core Principle: Viability
A viable system is any system organised in such a way as to meet the demands
of surviving in a changing environment. One of the prime features of systems
that survive is that they are adaptable. The VSM expresses a model for a
viable system, which is an abstracted cybernetic description applicable to
any organisation that is a going concern.
## The Five Systems
### System 1 (S1) — Operations
The primary activities that produce the organisation's purpose. These are the
operational units that directly create value. Each operational element is itself
a viable system (the principle of recursion).
**In economic terms:** Productive enterprises, factories, farms, workshops,
individual labourers performing specialised tasks, merchant operations.
**Key properties:** Autonomy within constraints, self-organisation,
direct engagement with the environment.
### System 2 (S2) — Coordination
The information channels and bodies that allow the primary activities in
System 1 to communicate with each other and that allow System 3 to monitor
and coordinate activities. System 2 dampens oscillations and resolves
conflicts between operational units.
**In economic terms:** Market price mechanisms, trade customs, standard
weights and measures, commercial law, banking clearinghouses, trade guilds.
**Key properties:** Anti-oscillatory, dampening, scheduling, conflict
resolution, standardisation.
### System 3 (S3) — Control / Operational Management
The structures and controls that establish the rules, resources, rights,
and responsibilities of System 1 and provide an interface between Systems 1
and Systems 4/5. System 3 represents the day-to-day control of the
organisation. It optimises the internal environment.
**In economic terms:** Government regulation of trade, taxation policy, labour
laws, enforcement of contracts, the "invisible hand" as emergent internal
regulation, guilds and corporations governing members.
**Key properties:** Internal regulation, resource allocation, accountability,
synergy extraction, performance management.
### System 3* (S3*) — Audit / Monitoring
The audit and monitoring channel that allows System 3 to verify information
coming from System 1 through channels other than those provided by System 2.
System 3* provides sporadic, direct access to operational reality.
**In economic terms:** Market inspections, quality checks, auditing of accounts,
surprise investigations into trade practices, verification of weights and measures.
**Key properties:** Sporadic direct investigation, reality checking, bypassing
normal reporting channels.
### System 4 (S4) — Intelligence / Adaptation
The bodies and processes that look outward to the environment to monitor
how the organisation needs to adapt to remain viable. System 4 captures
all relevant information about the outside-and-then environment. It is
responsible for strategic responses.
**In economic terms:** Foreign intelligence about trade opportunities,
market research, new technology adoption, colonial exploration and trade
route development, understanding of foreign economic systems.
**Key properties:** Environmental scanning, future orientation, strategic
planning, modelling, research and development.
### System 5 (S5) — Policy / Identity
The policy-making body that balances demands from Systems 3 and 4 and defines
the identity, values, and purpose of the organisation. System 5 provides
closure to the whole system and represents its supreme authority.
**In economic terms:** Sovereign authority, constitutional principles governing
economic policy, national economic identity, the philosophical foundations
of economic systems (mercantilism vs. free trade), the overarching purpose
of the commonwealth.
**Key properties:** Identity, ethos, supreme command, policy closure,
balancing internal and external perspectives.
## Key Concepts
### Recursion
Every viable system contains and is contained in a viable system. The same
five-system structure recurs at every level of organisation. A workshop is
a viable system within a factory, which is a viable system within an
industry, which is a viable system within a national economy.
### Variety
A measure of the number of possible states of a system. The Law of Requisite
Variety (Ashby's Law) states that only variety can absorb variety. A
controller must have at least as much variety as the system it controls.
### Requisite Variety
The principle that for effective regulation, the variety of the regulator
must match the variety of the system being regulated. This is achieved
through variety attenuation (reducing the variety coming up from operations)
and variety amplification (increasing the variety of management's responses).
### Attenuation and Amplification
Variety engineering mechanisms. Attenuation reduces variety (e.g., reporting
summaries, statistical aggregation, standardisation). Amplification increases
variety (e.g., delegation, empowerment, decentralisation).
### Algedonic Signals
Emergency signals that bypass the normal management hierarchy to alert
higher systems of critical situations requiring immediate attention. Named
from the Greek words for pain (algos) and pleasure (hedone).
**In economic terms:** Market panics, famine signals, sudden price collapses,
trade embargoes, economic crises that demand immediate sovereign intervention.
### Autonomy
The degree of freedom granted to operational units (System 1) to self-organise
within constraints set by System 3. Beer argued that maximum autonomy
consistent with systemic cohesion yields maximum viability.
### Viability
The capacity of a system to maintain a separate existence and survive in a
changing environment. A viable system continuously adapts while maintaining
its identity.
## Instructions
1. Read the source chapter carefully.
2. Identify all distinct economic concepts, actors, mechanisms, and institutions.
3. For each entity, produce a separate markdown document following the
Economic Entity Schema v1.0.
4. Each entity document must include:
- An H1 heading with the entity name
- A Definition section (20-150 words)
- A Source Chapter section citing the specific chapter
- A Context section describing where in the argument the entity appears
- An Economic Domain section classifying the entity
5. Optionally include Smith's Original Wording (direct quote) and
Modern Interpretation sections.
6. Use neutral, analytical language throughout.
7. Ensure each entity is distinct and self-contained.
## Output Format
Output each entity as a separate markdown document, delimited by
`--- ENTITY: <entity-name> ---` markers.