markitect-main/examples/infospace-with-history/artifacts/sources/book-1-chapter-04.md

id, title, book, chapter, artifact_type

id	title	book	chapter	artifact_type
book-1-chapter-04	OF THE ORIGIN AND USE OF MONEY.	1	4	content

CHAPTER IV. OF THE ORIGIN AND USE OF MONEY.

  When the division of labour has been once thoroughly established, it is
  but a very small part of a man’s wants which the produce of his own labour
  can supply. He supplies the far greater part of them by exchanging that
  surplus part of the produce of his own labour, which is over and above his
  own consumption, for such parts of the produce of other men’s labour as he
  has occasion for. Every man thus lives by exchanging, or becomes, in some
  measure, a merchant, and the society itself grows to be what is properly a
  commercial society.

  But when the division of labour first began to take place, this power of
  exchanging must frequently have been very much clogged and embarrassed in
  its operations. One man, we shall suppose, has more of a certain commodity
  than he himself has occasion for, while another has less. The former,
  consequently, would be glad to dispose of; and the latter to purchase, a
  part of this superfluity. But if this latter should chance to have nothing
  that the former stands in need of, no exchange can be made between them.
  The butcher has more meat in his shop than he himself can consume, and the
  brewer and the baker would each of them be willing to purchase a part of
  it. But they have nothing to offer in exchange, except the different
  productions of their respective trades, and the butcher is already
  provided with all the bread and beer which he has immediate occasion for.
  No exchange can, in this case, be made between them. He cannot be their
  merchant, nor they his customers; and they are all of them thus mutually
  less serviceable to one another. In order to avoid the inconveniency of
  such situations, every prudent man in every period of society, after the
  first establishment of the division of labour, must naturally have
  endeavoured to manage his affairs in such a manner, as to have at all
  times by him, besides the peculiar produce of his own industry, a certain
  quantity of some one commodity or other, such as he imagined few people
  would be likely to refuse in exchange for the produce of their industry.
  Many different commodities, it is probable, were successively both thought
  of and employed for this purpose. In the rude ages of society, cattle are
  said to have been the common instrument of commerce; and, though they must
  have been a most inconvenient one, yet, in old times, we find things were
  frequently valued according to the number of cattle which had been given
  in exchange for them. The armour of Diomede, says Homer, cost only nine
  oxen; but that of Glaucus cost a hundred oxen. Salt is said to be the
  common instrument of commerce and exchanges in Abyssinia; a species of
  shells in some parts of the coast of India; dried cod at Newfoundland;
  tobacco in Virginia; sugar in some of our West India colonies; hides or
  dressed leather in some other countries; and there is at this day a
  village in Scotland, where it is not uncommon, I am told, for a workman to
  carry nails instead of money to the baker’s shop or the ale-house.

  In all countries, however, men seem at last to have been determined by
  irresistible reasons to give the preference, for this employment, to
  metals above every other commodity. Metals can not only be kept with as
  little loss as any other commodity, scarce any thing being less perishable
  than they are, but they can likewise, without any loss, be divided into
  any number of parts, as by fusion those parts can easily be re-united
  again; a quality which no other equally durable commodities possess, and
  which, more than any other quality, renders them fit to be the instruments
  of commerce and circulation. The man who wanted to buy salt, for example,
  and had nothing but cattle to give in exchange for it, must have been
  obliged to buy salt to the value of a whole ox, or a whole sheep, at a
  time. He could seldom buy less than this, because what he was to give for
  it could seldom be divided without loss; and if he had a mind to buy more,
  he must, for the same reasons, have been obliged to buy double or triple
  the quantity, the value, to wit, of two or three oxen, or of two or three
  sheep. If, on the contrary, instead of sheep or oxen, he had metals to
  give in exchange for it, he could easily proportion the quantity of the
  metal to the precise quantity of the commodity which he had immediate
  occasion for.

  Different metals have been made use of by different nations for this
  purpose. Iron was the common instrument of commerce among the ancient
  Spartans, copper among the ancient Romans, and gold and silver among all
  rich and commercial nations.

  Those metals seem originally to have been made use of for this purpose in
  rude bars, without any stamp or coinage. Thus we are told by Pliny (Plin.
  Hist Nat. lib. 33, cap. 3), upon the authority of Timaeus, an ancient
  historian, that, till the time of Servius Tullius, the Romans had no
  coined money, but made use of unstamped bars of copper, to purchase
  whatever they had occasion for. These rude bars, therefore, performed at
  this time the function of money.

  The use of metals in this rude state was attended with two very
  considerable inconveniences; first, with the trouble of weighing, and
  secondly, with that of assaying them. In the precious metals, where a
  small difference in the quantity makes a great difference in the value,
  even the business of weighing, with proper exactness, requires at least
  very accurate weights and scales. The weighing of gold, in particular, is
  an operation of some nicety in the coarser metals, indeed, where a small
  error would be of little consequence, less accuracy would, no doubt, be
  necessary. Yet we should find it excessively troublesome if every time a
  poor man had occasion either to buy or sell a farthing’s worth of goods,
  he was obliged to weigh the farthing. The operation of assaying is still
  more difficult, still more tedious; and, unless a part of the metal is
  fairly melted in the crucible, with proper dissolvents, any conclusion
  that can be drawn from it is extremely uncertain. Before the institution
  of coined money, however, unless they went through this tedious and
  difficult operation, people must always have been liable to the grossest
  frauds and impositions; and instead of a pound weight of pure silver, or
  pure copper, might receive, in exchange for their goods, an adulterated
  composition of the coarsest and cheapest materials, which had, however, in
  their outward appearance, been made to resemble those metals. To prevent
  such abuses, to facilitate exchanges, and thereby to encourage all sorts
  of industry and commerce, it has been found necessary, in all countries
  that have made any considerable advances towards improvement, to affix a
  public stamp upon certain quantities of such particular metals, as were in
  those countries commonly made use of to purchase goods. Hence the origin
  of coined money, and of those public offices called mints; institutions
  exactly of the same nature with those of the aulnagers and stamp-masters
  of woollen and linen cloth. All of them are equally meant to ascertain, by
  means of a public stamp, the quantity and uniform goodness of those
  different commodities when brought to market.

  The first public stamps of this kind that were affixed to the current
  metals, seem in many cases to have been intended to ascertain, what it was
  both most difficult and most important to ascertain, the goodness or
  fineness of the metal, and to have resembled the sterling mark which is at
  present affixed to plate and bars of silver, or the Spanish mark which is
  sometimes affixed to ingots of gold, and which, being struck only upon one
  side of the piece, and not covering the whole surface, ascertains the
  fineness, but not the weight of the metal. Abraham weighs to Ephron the
  four hundred shekels of silver which he had agreed to pay for the field of
  Machpelah. They are said, however, to be the current money of the
  merchant, and yet are received by weight, and not by tale, in the same
  manner as ingots of gold and bars of silver are at present. The revenues
  of the ancient Saxon kings of England are said to have been paid, not in
  money, but in kind, that is, in victuals and provisions of all sorts.
  William the Conqueror introduced the custom of paying them in money. This
  money, however, was for a long time, received at the exchequer, by weight,
  and not by tale.

  The inconveniency and difficulty of weighing those metals with exactness,
  gave occasion to the institution of coins, of which the stamp, covering
  entirely both sides of the piece, and sometimes the edges too, was
  supposed to ascertain not only the fineness, but the weight of the metal.
  Such coins, therefore, were received by tale, as at present, without the
  trouble of weighing.

  The denominations of those coins seem originally to have expressed the
  weight or quantity of metal contained in them. In the time of Servius
  Tullius, who first coined money at Rome, the Roman as or pondo contained a
  Roman pound of good copper. It was divided, in the same manner as our
  Troyes pound, into twelve ounces, each of which contained a real ounce of
  good copper. The English pound sterling, in the time of Edward I.
  contained a pound, Tower weight, of silver of a known fineness. The Tower
  pound seems to have been something more than the Roman pound, and
  something less than the Troyes pound. This last was not introduced into
  the mint of England till the 18th of Henry the VIII. The French livre
  contained, in the time of Charlemagne, a pound, Troyes weight, of silver
  of a known fineness. The fair of Troyes in Champaign was at that time
  frequented by all the nations of Europe, and the weights and measures of
  so famous a market were generally known and esteemed. The Scots money
  pound contained, from the time of Alexander the First to that of Robert
  Bruce, a pound of silver of the same weight and fineness with the English
  pound sterling. English, French, and Scots pennies, too, contained all of
  them originally a real penny-weight of silver, the twentieth part of an
  ounce, and the two hundred-and-fortieth part of a pound. The shilling,
  too, seems originally to have been the denomination of a weight. “When
  wheat is at twelve shillings the quarter,” says an ancient statute of
  Henry III. “then wastel bread of a farthing shall weigh eleven shillings
  and fourpence”. The proportion, however, between the shilling, and either
  the penny on the one hand, or the pound on the other, seems not to have
  been so constant and uniform as that between the penny and the pound.
  During the first race of the kings of France, the French sou or shilling
  appears upon different occasions to have contained five, twelve, twenty,
  and forty pennies. Among the ancient Saxons, a shilling appears at one
  time to have contained only five pennies, and it is not improbable that it
  may have been as variable among them as among their neighbours, the
  ancient Franks. From the time of Charlemagne among the French, and from
  that of William the Conqueror among the English, the proportion between
  the pound, the shilling, and the penny, seems to have been uniformly the
  same as at present, though the value of each has been very different; for
  in every country of the world, I believe, the avarice and injustice of
  princes and sovereign states, abusing the confidence of their subjects,
  have by degrees diminished the real quantity of metal, which had been
  originally contained in their coins. The Roman as, in the latter ages of
  the republic, was reduced to the twenty-fourth part of its original value,
  and, instead of weighing a pound, came to weigh only half an ounce. The
  English pound and penny contain at present about a third only; the Scots
  pound and penny about a thirty-sixth; and the French pound and penny about
  a sixty-sixth part of their original value. By means of those operations,
  the princes and sovereign states which performed them were enabled, in
  appearance, to pay their debts and fulfil their engagements with a smaller
  quantity of silver than would otherwise have been requisite. It was indeed
  in appearance only; for their creditors were really defrauded of a part of
  what was due to them. All other debtors in the state were allowed the same
  privilege, and might pay with the same nominal sum of the new and debased
  coin whatever they had borrowed in the old. Such operations, therefore,
  have always proved favourable to the debtor, and ruinous to the creditor,
  and have sometimes produced a greater and more universal revolution in the
  fortunes of private persons, than could have been occasioned by a very
  great public calamity.

  It is in this manner that money has become, in all civilized nations, the
  universal instrument of commerce, by the intervention of which goods of
  all kinds are bought and sold, or exchanged for one another.

  What are the rules which men naturally observe, in exchanging them either
  for money, or for one another, I shall now proceed to examine. These rules
  determine what may be called the relative or exchangeable value of goods.

  The word VALUE, it is to be observed, has two different meanings, and
  sometimes expresses the utility of some particular object, and sometimes
  the power of purchasing other goods which the possession of that object
  conveys. The one may be called ‘value in use;’ the other, ‘value in
  exchange.’ The things which have the greatest value in use have frequently
  little or no value in exchange; and, on the contrary, those which have the
  greatest value in exchange have frequently little or no value in use.
  Nothing is more useful than water; but it will purchase scarce any thing;
  scarce any thing can be had in exchange for it. A diamond, on the
  contrary, has scarce any value in use; but a very great quantity of other
  goods may frequently be had in exchange for it.

  In order to investigate the principles which regulate the exchangeable
  value of commodities, I shall endeavour to shew,

  First, what is the real measure of this exchangeable value; or wherein
  consists the real price of all commodities.

  Secondly, what are the different parts of which this real price is
  composed or made up.

  And, lastly, what are the different circumstances which sometimes raise
  some or all of these different parts of price above, and sometimes sink
  them below, their natural or ordinary rate; or, what are the causes which
  sometimes hinder the market price, that is, the actual price of
  commodities, from coinciding exactly with what may be called their natural
  price.

  I shall endeavour to explain, as fully and distinctly as I can, those
  three subjects in the three following chapters, for which I must very
  earnestly entreat both the patience and attention of the reader: his
  patience, in order to examine a detail which may, perhaps, in some places,
  appear unnecessarily tedious; and his attention, in order to understand
  what may perhaps, after the fullest explication which I am capable of
  giving it, appear still in some degree obscure. I am always willing to run
  some hazard of being tedious, in order to be sure that I am perspicuous;
  and, after taking the utmost pains that I can to be perspicuous, some
  obscurity may still appear to remain upon a subject, in its own nature
  extremely abstracted.