Implements markitect/llm/ package with concrete LLMAdapter implementations:
- OpenRouterAdapter: HTTP via urllib with retry/backoff on 429/5xx
- ClaudeCodeAdapter: subprocess-based Claude CLI with stdin piping
- Factory pattern: create_adapter("openrouter") or create_adapter("claude-code")
- API key resolution chain: constructor > env var > project-root key file
- 42 unit tests, 2 integration tests (gated on API key / CLI availability)
Also adds the infospace-with-history example with Wealth of Nations VSM
analysis pipeline, templates, schemas, source chapters, and processed
output for chapters 1-2. process_chapters.py now supports --provider
and --model flags for automatic LLM-driven processing.
Co-Authored-By: Claude Opus 4.6 <noreply@anthropic.com>
309 lines
22 KiB
Markdown
309 lines
22 KiB
Markdown
---
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id: book-1-chapter-01
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title: "OF THE DIVISION OF LABOUR."
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book: "1"
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chapter: 1
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artifact_type: content
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---
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CHAPTER I.
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OF THE DIVISION OF LABOUR.
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The greatest improvements in the productive powers of labour, and the
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greater part of the skill, dexterity, and judgment, with which it is
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anywhere directed, or applied, seem to have been the effects of the
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division of labour. The effects of the division of labour, in the general
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business of society, will be more easily understood, by considering in
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what manner it operates in some particular manufactures. It is commonly
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supposed to be carried furthest in some very trifling ones; not perhaps
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that it really is carried further in them than in others of more
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importance: but in those trifling manufactures which are destined to
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supply the small wants of but a small number of people, the whole number
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of workmen must necessarily be small; and those employed in every
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different branch of the work can often be collected into the same
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workhouse, and placed at once under the view of the spectator.
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In those great manufactures, on the contrary, which are destined to supply
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the great wants of the great body of the people, every different branch of
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the work employs so great a number of workmen, that it is impossible to
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collect them all into the same workhouse. We can seldom see more, at one
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time, than those employed in one single branch. Though in such
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manufactures, therefore, the work may really be divided into a much
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greater number of parts, than in those of a more trifling nature, the
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division is not near so obvious, and has accordingly been much less
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observed.
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To take an example, therefore, from a very trifling manufacture, but one
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in which the division of labour has been very often taken notice of, the
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trade of a pin-maker: a workman not educated to this business (which the
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division of labour has rendered a distinct trade), nor acquainted with the
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use of the machinery employed in it (to the invention of which the same
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division of labour has probably given occasion), could scarce, perhaps,
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with his utmost industry, make one pin in a day, and certainly could not
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make twenty. But in the way in which this business is now carried on, not
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only the whole work is a peculiar trade, but it is divided into a number
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of branches, of which the greater part are likewise peculiar trades. One
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man draws out the wire; another straights it; a third cuts it; a fourth
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points it; a fifth grinds it at the top for receiving the head; to make
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the head requires two or three distinct operations; to put it on is a
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peculiar business; to whiten the pins is another; it is even a trade by
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itself to put them into the paper; and the important business of making a
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pin is, in this manner, divided into about eighteen distinct operations,
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which, in some manufactories, are all performed by distinct hands, though
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in others the same man will sometimes perform two or three of them. I have
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seen a small manufactory of this kind, where ten men only were employed,
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and where some of them consequently performed two or three distinct
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operations. But though they were very poor, and therefore but
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indifferently accommodated with the necessary machinery, they could, when
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they exerted themselves, make among them about twelve pounds of pins in a
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day. There are in a pound upwards of four thousand pins of a middling
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size. Those ten persons, therefore, could make among them upwards of
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forty-eight thousand pins in a day. Each person, therefore, making a tenth
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part of forty-eight thousand pins, might be considered as making four
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thousand eight hundred pins in a day. But if they had all wrought
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separately and independently, and without any of them having been educated
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to this peculiar business, they certainly could not each of them have made
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twenty, perhaps not one pin in a day; that is, certainly, not the two
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hundred and fortieth, perhaps not the four thousand eight hundredth, part
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of what they are at present capable of performing, in consequence of a
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proper division and combination of their different operations.
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In every other art and manufacture, the effects of the division of labour
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are similar to what they are in this very trifling one, though, in many of
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them, the labour can neither be so much subdivided, nor reduced to so
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great a simplicity of operation. The division of labour, however, so far
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as it can be introduced, occasions, in every art, a proportionable
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increase of the productive powers of labour. The separation of different
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trades and employments from one another, seems to have taken place in
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consequence of this advantage. This separation, too, is generally carried
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furthest in those countries which enjoy the highest degree of industry and
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improvement; what is the work of one man, in a rude state of society,
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being generally that of several in an improved one. In every improved
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society, the farmer is generally nothing but a farmer; the manufacturer,
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nothing but a manufacturer. The labour, too, which is necessary to produce
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any one complete manufacture, is almost always divided among a great
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number of hands. How many different trades are employed in each branch of
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the linen and woollen manufactures, from the growers of the flax and the
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wool, to the bleachers and smoothers of the linen, or to the dyers and
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dressers of the cloth! The nature of agriculture, indeed, does not admit
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of so many subdivisions of labour, nor of so complete a separation of one
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business from another, as manufactures. It is impossible to separate so
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entirely the business of the grazier from that of the corn-farmer, as the
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trade of the carpenter is commonly separated from that of the smith. The
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spinner is almost always a distinct person from the weaver; but the
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ploughman, the harrower, the sower of the seed, and the reaper of the
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corn, are often the same. The occasions for those different sorts of
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labour returning with the different seasons of the year, it is impossible
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that one man should be constantly employed in any one of them. This
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impossibility of making so complete and entire a separation of all the
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different branches of labour employed in agriculture, is perhaps the
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reason why the improvement of the productive powers of labour, in this
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art, does not always keep pace with their improvement in manufactures. The
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most opulent nations, indeed, generally excel all their neighbours in
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agriculture as well as in manufactures; but they are commonly more
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distinguished by their superiority in the latter than in the former. Their
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lands are in general better cultivated, and having more labour and expense
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bestowed upon them, produce more in proportion to the extent and natural
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fertility of the ground. But this superiority of produce is seldom much
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more than in proportion to the superiority of labour and expense. In
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agriculture, the labour of the rich country is not always much more
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productive than that of the poor; or, at least, it is never so much more
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productive, as it commonly is in manufactures. The corn of the rich
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country, therefore, will not always, in the same degree of goodness, come
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cheaper to market than that of the poor. The corn of Poland, in the same
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degree of goodness, is as cheap as that of France, notwithstanding the
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superior opulence and improvement of the latter country. The corn of
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France is, in the corn-provinces, fully as good, and in most years nearly
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about the same price with the corn of England, though, in opulence and
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improvement, France is perhaps inferior to England. The corn-lands of
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England, however, are better cultivated than those of France, and the
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corn-lands of France are said to be much better cultivated than those of
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Poland. But though the poor country, notwithstanding the inferiority of
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its cultivation, can, in some measure, rival the rich in the cheapness and
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goodness of its corn, it can pretend to no such competition in its
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manufactures, at least if those manufactures suit the soil, climate, and
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situation, of the rich country. The silks of France are better and cheaper
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than those of England, because the silk manufacture, at least under the
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present high duties upon the importation of raw silk, does not so well
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suit the climate of England as that of France. But the hardware and the
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coarse woollens of England are beyond all comparison superior to those of
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France, and much cheaper, too, in the same degree of goodness. In Poland
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there are said to be scarce any manufactures of any kind, a few of those
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coarser household manufactures excepted, without which no country can well
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subsist.
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This great increase in the quantity of work, which, in consequence of the
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division of labour, the same number of people are capable of performing,
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is owing to three different circumstances; first, to the increase of
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dexterity in every particular workman; secondly, to the saving of the time
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which is commonly lost in passing from one species of work to another;
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and, lastly, to the invention of a great number of machines which
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facilitate and abridge labour, and enable one man to do the work of many.
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First, the improvement of the dexterity of the workmen, necessarily
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increases the quantity of the work he can perform; and the division of
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labour, by reducing every man’s business to some one simple operation, and
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by making this operation the sole employment of his life, necessarily
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increases very much the dexterity of the workman. A common smith, who,
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though accustomed to handle the hammer, has never been used to make nails,
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if, upon some particular occasion, he is obliged to attempt it, will
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scarce, I am assured, be able to make above two or three hundred nails in
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a day, and those, too, very bad ones. A smith who has been accustomed to
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make nails, but whose sole or principal business has not been that of a
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nailer, can seldom, with his utmost diligence, make more than eight
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hundred or a thousand nails in a day. I have seen several boys, under
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twenty years of age, who had never exercised any other trade but that of
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making nails, and who, when they exerted themselves, could make, each of
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them, upwards of two thousand three hundred nails in a day. The making of
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a nail, however, is by no means one of the simplest operations. The same
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person blows the bellows, stirs or mends the fire as there is occasion,
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heats the iron, and forges every part of the nail: in forging the head,
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too, he is obliged to change his tools. The different operations into
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which the making of a pin, or of a metal button, is subdivided, are all of
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them much more simple, and the dexterity of the person, of whose life it
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has been the sole business to perform them, is usually much greater. The
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rapidity with which some of the operations of those manufactures are
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performed, exceeds what the human hand could, by those who had never seen
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them, be supposed capable of acquiring.
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Secondly, the advantage which is gained by saving the time commonly lost
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in passing from one sort of work to another, is much greater than we
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should at first view be apt to imagine it. It is impossible to pass very
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quickly from one kind of work to another, that is carried on in a
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different place, and with quite different tools. A country weaver, who
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cultivates a small farm, must lose a good deal of time in passing from
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his loom to the field, and from the field to his loom. When the two trades
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can be carried on in the same workhouse, the loss of time is, no doubt,
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much less. It is, even in this case, however, very considerable. A man
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commonly saunters a little in turning his hand from one sort of employment
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to another. When he first begins the new work, he is seldom very keen and
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hearty; his mind, as they say, does not go to it, and for some time he
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rather trifles than applies to good purpose. The habit of sauntering, and
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of indolent careless application, which is naturally, or rather
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necessarily, acquired by every country workman who is obliged to change
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his work and his tools every half hour, and to apply his hand in twenty
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different ways almost every day of his life, renders him almost always
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slothful and lazy, and incapable of any vigorous application, even on the
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most pressing occasions. Independent, therefore, of his deficiency in
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point of dexterity, this cause alone must always reduce considerably the
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quantity of work which he is capable of performing.
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Thirdly, and lastly, everybody must be sensible how much labour is
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facilitated and abridged by the application of proper machinery. It is
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unnecessary to give any example. I shall only observe, therefore, that the
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invention of all those machines by which labour is so much facilitated and
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abridged, seems to have been originally owing to the division of labour.
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Men are much more likely to discover easier and readier methods of
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attaining any object, when the whole attention of their minds is directed
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towards that single object, than when it is dissipated among a great
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variety of things. But, in consequence of the division of labour, the
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whole of every man’s attention comes naturally to be directed towards some
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one very simple object. It is naturally to be expected, therefore, that
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some one or other of those who are employed in each particular branch of
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labour should soon find out easier and readier methods of performing their
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own particular work, whenever the nature of it admits of such improvement.
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A great part of the machines made use of in those manufactures in which
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labour is most subdivided, were originally the invention of common
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workmen, who, being each of them employed in some very simple operation,
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naturally turned their thoughts towards finding out easier and readier
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methods of performing it. Whoever has been much accustomed to visit such
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manufactures, must frequently have been shewn very pretty machines, which
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were the inventions of such workmen, in order to facilitate and quicken
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their own particular part of the work. In the first fire engines {this was
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the current designation for steam engines}, a boy was constantly employed
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to open and shut alternately the communication between the boiler and the
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cylinder, according as the piston either ascended or descended. One of
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those boys, who loved to play with his companions, observed that, by tying
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a string from the handle of the valve which opened this communication to
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another part of the machine, the valve would open and shut without his
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assistance, and leave him at liberty to divert himself with his
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play-fellows. One of the greatest improvements that has been made upon
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this machine, since it was first invented, was in this manner the
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discovery of a boy who wanted to save his own labour.
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All the improvements in machinery, however, have by no means been the
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inventions of those who had occasion to use the machines. Many
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improvements have been made by the ingenuity of the makers of the
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machines, when to make them became the business of a peculiar trade; and
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some by that of those who are called philosophers, or men of speculation,
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whose trade it is not to do any thing, but to observe every thing, and
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who, upon that account, are often capable of combining together the powers
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of the most distant and dissimilar objects in the progress of society,
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philosophy or speculation becomes, like every other employment, the
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principal or sole trade and occupation of a particular class of citizens.
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Like every other employment, too, it is subdivided into a great number of
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different branches, each of which affords occupation to a peculiar tribe
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or class of philosophers; and this subdivision of employment in
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philosophy, as well as in every other business, improves dexterity, and
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saves time. Each individual becomes more expert in his own peculiar
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branch, more work is done upon the whole, and the quantity of science is
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considerably increased by it.
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It is the great multiplication of the productions of all the different
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arts, in consequence of the division of labour, which occasions, in a
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well-governed society, that universal opulence which extends itself to the
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lowest ranks of the people. Every workman has a great quantity of his own
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work to dispose of beyond what he himself has occasion for; and every
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other workman being exactly in the same situation, he is enabled to
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exchange a great quantity of his own goods for a great quantity or, what
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comes to the same thing, for the price of a great quantity of theirs. He
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supplies them abundantly with what they have occasion for, and they
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accommodate him as amply with what he has occasion for, and a general
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plenty diffuses itself through all the different ranks of the society.
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Observe the accommodation of the most common artificer or daylabourer in a
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civilized and thriving country, and you will perceive that the number of
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people, of whose industry a part, though but a small part, has been
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employed in procuring him this accommodation, exceeds all computation. The
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woollen coat, for example, which covers the day-labourer, as coarse and
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rough as it may appear, is the produce of the joint labour of a great
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multitude of workmen. The shepherd, the sorter of the wool, the
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wool-comber or carder, the dyer, the scribbler, the spinner, the weaver,
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the fuller, the dresser, with many others, must all join their different
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arts in order to complete even this homely production. How many merchants
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and carriers, besides, must have been employed in transporting the
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materials from some of those workmen to others who often live in a very
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distant part of the country? How much commerce and navigation in
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particular, how many ship-builders, sailors, sail-makers, rope-makers,
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must have been employed in order to bring together the different drugs
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made use of by the dyer, which often come from the remotest corners of the
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world? What a variety of labour, too, is necessary in order to produce the
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tools of the meanest of those workmen! To say nothing of such complicated
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machines as the ship of the sailor, the mill of the fuller, or even the
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loom of the weaver, let us consider only what a variety of labour is
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requisite in order to form that very simple machine, the shears with which
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the shepherd clips the wool. The miner, the builder of the furnace for
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smelting the ore, the feller of the timber, the burner of the charcoal to
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be made use of in the smelting-house, the brickmaker, the bricklayer, the
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workmen who attend the furnace, the millwright, the forger, the smith,
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must all of them join their different arts in order to produce them. Were
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we to examine, in the same manner, all the different parts of his dress
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and household furniture, the coarse linen shirt which he wears next his
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skin, the shoes which cover his feet, the bed which he lies on, and all
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the different parts which compose it, the kitchen-grate at which he
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prepares his victuals, the coals which he makes use of for that purpose,
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dug from the bowels of the earth, and brought to him, perhaps, by a long
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sea and a long land-carriage, all the other utensils of his kitchen, all
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the furniture of his table, the knives and forks, the earthen or pewter
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plates upon which he serves up and divides his victuals, the different
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hands employed in preparing his bread and his beer, the glass window which
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lets in the heat and the light, and keeps out the wind and the rain, with
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all the knowledge and art requisite for preparing that beautiful and happy
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invention, without which these northern parts of the world could scarce
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have afforded a very comfortable habitation, together with the tools of
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all the different workmen employed in producing those different
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conveniencies; if we examine, I say, all these things, and consider what a
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variety of labour is employed about each of them, we shall be sensible
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that, without the assistance and co-operation of many thousands, the very
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meanest person in a civilized country could not be provided, even
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according to, what we very falsely imagine, the easy and simple manner in
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which he is commonly accommodated. Compared, indeed, with the more
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extravagant luxury of the great, his accommodation must no doubt appear
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extremely simple and easy; and yet it may be true, perhaps, that the
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accommodation of an European prince does not always so much exceed that of
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an industrious and frugal peasant, as the accommodation of the latter
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exceeds that of many an African king, the absolute masters of the lives
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and liberties of ten thousand naked savages.
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