markitect-main/examples/infospace-with-history/artifacts/sources/book-1-chapter-09.md

id, title, book, chapter, artifact_type

id	title	book	chapter	artifact_type
book-1-chapter-09	OF THE PROFITS OF STOCK.	1	9	content

CHAPTER IX. OF THE PROFITS OF STOCK.

  The rise and fall in the profits of stock depend upon the same causes with
  the rise and fall in the wages of labour, the increasing or declining
  state of the wealth of the society; but those causes affect the one and
  the other very differently.

  The increase of stock, which raises wages, tends to lower profit. When the
  stocks of many rich merchants are turned into the same trade, their mutual
  competition naturally tends to lower its profit; and when there is a like
  increase of stock in all the different trades carried on in the same
  society, the same competition must produce the same effect in them all.

  It is not easy, it has already been observed, to ascertain what are the
  average wages of labour, even in a particular place, and at a particular
  time. We can, even in this case, seldom determine more than what are the
  most usual wages. But even this can seldom be done with regard to the
  profits of stock. Profit is so very fluctuating, that the person who
  carries on a particular trade, cannot always tell you himself what is the
  average of his annual profit. It is affected, not only by every variation
  of price in the commodities which he deals in, but by the good or bad
  fortune both of his rivals and of his customers, and by a thousand other
  accidents, to which goods, when carried either by sea or by land, or even
  when stored in a warehouse, are liable. It varies, therefore, not only
  from year to year, but from day to day, and almost from hour to hour. To
  ascertain what is the average profit of all the different trades carried
  on in a great kingdom, must be much more difficult; and to judge of what
  it may have been formerly, or in remote periods of time, with any degree
  of precision, must be altogether impossible.

  But though it may be impossible to determine, with any degree of
  precision, what are or were the average profits of stock, either in the
  present or in ancient times, some notion may be formed of them from the
  interest of money. It may be laid down as a maxim, that wherever a great
  deal can be made by the use of money, a great deal will commonly be given
  for the use of it; and that, wherever little can be made by it, less will
  commonly he given for it. Accordingly, therefore, as the usual market rate
  of interest varies in any country, we may be assured that the ordinary
  profits of stock must vary with it, must sink as it sinks, and rise as it
  rises. The progress of interest, therefore, may lead us to form some
  notion of the progress of profit.

  By the 37th of Henry VIII. all interest above ten per cent. was declared
  unlawful. More, it seems, had sometimes been taken before that. In the
  reign of Edward VI. religious zeal prohibited all interest. This
  prohibition, however, like all others of the same kind, is said to have
  produced no effect, and probably rather increased than diminished the evil
  of usury. The statute of Henry VIII. was revived by the 13th of Elizabeth,
  cap. 8. and ten per cent. continued to be the legal rate of interest till
  the 21st of James I. when it was restricted to eight per cent. It was
  reduced to six per cent. soon after the Restoration, and by the 12th of
  Queen Anne, to five per cent. All these different statutory regulations
  seem to have been made with great propriety. They seem to have followed,
  and not to have gone before, the market rate of interest, or the rate at
  which people of good credit usually borrowed. Since the time of Queen
  Anne, five per cent. seems to have been rather above than below the market
  rate. Before the late war, the government borrowed at three per cent.; and
  people of good credit in the capital, and in many other parts of the
  kingdom, at three and a-half, four, and four and a-half per cent.

  Since the time of Henry VIII. the wealth and revenue of the country have
  been continually advancing, and in the course of their progress, their
  pace seems rather to have been gradually accelerated than retarded. They
  seem not only to have been going on, but to have been going on faster and
  faster. The wages of labour have been continually increasing during the
  same period, and, in the greater part of the different branches of trade
  and manufactures, the profits of stock have been diminishing.

  It generally requires a greater stock to carry on any sort of trade in a
  great town than in a country village. The great stocks employed in every
  branch of trade, and the number of rich competitors, generally reduce the
  rate of profit in the former below what it is in the latter. But the wages
  of labour are generally higher in a great town than in a country village.
  In a thriving town, the people who have great stocks to employ, frequently
  cannot get the number of workmen they want, and therefore bid against one
  another, in order to get as many as they can, which raises the wages of
  labour, and lowers the profits of stock. In the remote parts of the
  country, there is frequently not stock sufficient to employ all the
  people, who therefore bid against one another, in order to get employment,
  which lowers the wages of labour, and raises the profits of stock.

  In Scotland, though the legal rate of interest is the same as in England,
  the market rate is rather higher. People of the best credit there seldom
  borrow under five per cent. Even private bankers in Edinburgh give four
  per cent. upon their promissory-notes, of which payment, either in whole
  or in part may be demanded at pleasure. Private bankers in London give no
  interest for the money which is deposited with them. There are few trades
  which cannot be carried on with a smaller stock in Scotland than in
  England. The common rate of profit, therefore, must be somewhat greater.
  The wages of labour, it has already been observed, are lower in Scotland
  than in England. The country, too, is not only much poorer, but the steps
  by which it advances to a better condition, for it is evidently advancing,
  seem to be much slower and more tardy. The legal rate of interest in
  France has not during the course of the present century, been always
  regulated by the market rate {See Denisart, Article Taux des Interests,
  tom. iii, p.13}. In 1720, interest was reduced from the twentieth to the
  fiftieth penny, or from five to two per cent. In 1724, it was raised to
  the thirtieth penny, or to three and a third per cent. In 1725, it was
  again raised to the twentieth penny, or to five per cent. In 1766, during
  the administration of Mr Laverdy, it was reduced to the twenty-fifth
  penny, or to four per cent. The Abbé Terray raised it afterwards to the
  old rate of five per cent. The supposed purpose of many of those violent
  reductions of interest was to prepare the way for reducing that of the
  public debts; a purpose which has sometimes been executed. France is,
  perhaps, in the present times, not so rich a country as England; and
  though the legal rate of interest has in France frequently been lower than
  in England, the market rate has generally been higher; for there, as in
  other countries, they have several very safe and easy methods of evading
  the law. The profits of trade, I have been assured by British merchants
  who had traded in both countries, are higher in France than in England;
  and it is no doubt upon this account, that many British subjects chuse
  rather to employ their capitals in a country where trade is in disgrace,
  than in one where it is highly respected. The wages of labour are lower in
  France than in England. When you go from Scotland to England, the
  difference which you may remark between the dress and countenance of the
  common people in the one country and in the other, sufficiently indicates
  the difference in their condition. The contrast is still greater when you
  return from France. France, though no doubt a richer country than
  Scotland, seems not to be going forward so fast. It is a common and even a
  popular opinion in the country, that it is going backwards; an opinion
  which I apprehend, is ill-founded, even with regard to France, but which
  nobody can possibly entertain with regard to Scotland, who sees the
  country now, and who saw it twenty or thirty years ago.

  The province of Holland, on the other hand, in proportion to the extent of
  its territory and the number of its people, is a richer country than
  England. The government there borrow at two per cent. and private people
  of good credit at three. The wages of labour are said to be higher in
  Holland than in England, and the Dutch, it is well known, trade upon lower
  profits than any people in Europe. The trade of Holland, it has been
  pretended by some people, is decaying, and it may perhaps be true that
  some particular branches of it are so; but these symptoms seem to indicate
  sufficiently that there is no general decay. When profit diminishes,
  merchants are very apt to complain that trade decays, though the
  diminution of profit is the natural effect of its prosperity, or of a
  greater stock being employed in it than before. During the late war, the
  Dutch gained the whole carrying trade of France, of which they still
  retain a very large share. The great property which they possess both in
  French and English funds, about forty millions, it is said in the latter
  (in which, I suspect, however, there is a considerable exaggeration ), the
  great sums which they lend to private people, in countries where the rate
  of interest is higher than in their own, are circumstances which no doubt
  demonstrate the redundancy of their stock, or that it has increased beyond
  what they can employ with tolerable profit in the proper business of their
  own country; but they do not demonstrate that that business has decreased.
  As the capital of a private man, though acquired by a particular trade,
  may increase beyond what he can employ in it, and yet that trade continue
  to increase too, so may likewise the capital of a great nation.

  In our North American and West Indian colonies, not only the wages of
  labour, but the interest of money, and consequently the profits of stock,
  are higher than in England. In the different colonies, both the legal and
  the market rate of interest run from six to eight percent. High wages of
  labour and high profits of stock, however, are things, perhaps, which
  scarce ever go together, except in the peculiar circumstances of new
  colonies. A new colony must always, for some time, be more understocked in
  proportion to the extent of its territory, and more underpeopled in
  proportion to the extent of its stock, than the greater part of other
  countries. They have more land than they have stock to cultivate. What
  they have, therefore, is applied to the cultivation only of what is most
  fertile and most favourably situated, the land near the sea-shore, and
  along the banks of navigable rivers. Such land, too, is frequently
  purchased at a price below the value even of its natural produce. Stock
  employed in the purchase and improvement of such lands, must yield a very
  large profit, and, consequently, afford to pay a very large interest. Its
  rapid accumulation in so profitable an employment enables the planter to
  increase the number of his hands faster than he can find them in a new
  settlement. Those whom he can find, therefore, are very liberally
  rewarded. As the colony increases, the profits of stock gradually
  diminish. When the most fertile and best situated lands have been all
  occupied, less profit can be made by the cultivation of what is inferior
  both in soil and situation, and less interest can be afforded for the
  stock which is so employed. In the greater part of our colonies,
  accordingly, both the legal and the market rate of interest have been
  considerably reduced during the course of the present century. As riches,
  improvement, and population, have increased, interest has declined. The
  wages of labour do not sink with the profits of stock. The demand for
  labour increases with the increase of stock, whatever be its profits; and
  after these are diminished, stock may not only continue to increase, but
  to increase much faster than before. It is with industrious nations, who
  are advancing in the acquisition of riches, as with industrious
  individuals. A great stock, though with small profits, generally increases
  faster than a small stock with great profits. Money, says the proverb,
  makes money. When you have got a little, it is often easy to get more. The
  great difficulty is to get that little. The connection between the
  increase of stock and that of industry, or of the demand for useful
  labour, has partly been explained already, but will be explained more
  fully hereafter, in treating of the accumulation of stock.

  The acquisition of new territory, or of new branches of trade, may
  sometimes raise the profits of stock, and with them the interest of money,
  even in a country which is fast advancing in the acquisition of riches.
  The stock of the country, not being sufficient for the whole accession of
  business which such acquisitions present to the different people among
  whom it is divided, is applied to those particular branches only which
  afford the greatest profit. Part of what had before been employed in other
  trades, is necessarily withdrawn from them, and turned into some of the
  new and more profitable ones. In all those old trades, therefore, the
  competition comes to be less than before. The market comes to be less
  fully supplied with many different sorts of goods. Their price necessarily
  rises more or less, and yields a greater profit to those who deal in them,
  who can, therefore, afford to borrow at a higher interest. For some time
  after the conclusion of the late war, not only private people of the best
  credit, but some of the greatest companies in London, commonly borrowed at
  five per cent. who, before that, had not been used to pay more than four,
  and four and a half per cent. The great accession both of territory and
  trade by our acquisitions in North America and the West Indies, will
  sufficiently account for this, without supposing any diminution in the
  capital stock of the society. So great an accession of new business to be
  carried on by the old stock, must necessarily have diminished the quantity
  employed in a great number of particular branches, in which the
  competition being less, the profits must have been greater. I shall
  hereafter have occasion to mention the reasons which dispose me to believe
  that the capital stock of Great Britain was not diminished, even by the
  enormous expense of the late war.

  The diminution of the capital stock of the society, or of the funds
  destined for the maintenance of industry, however, as it lowers the wages
  of labour, so it raises the profits of stock, and consequently the
  interest of money. By the wages of labour being lowered, the owners of
  what stock remains in the society can bring their goods at less expense to
  market than before; and less stock being employed in supplying the market
  than before, they can sell them dearer. Their goods cost them less, and
  they get more for them. Their profits, therefore, being augmented at both
  ends, can well afford a large interest. The great fortunes so suddenly and
  so easily acquired in Bengal and the other British settlements in the East
  Indies, may satisfy us, that as the wages of labour are very low, so the
  profits of stock are very high in those ruined countries. The interest of
  money is proportionably so. In Bengal, money is frequently lent to the
  farmers at forty, fifty, and sixty per cent. and the succeeding crop is
  mortgaged for the payment. As the profits which can afford such an
  interest must eat up almost the whole rent of the landlord, so such
  enormous usury must in its turn eat up the greater part of those profits.
  Before the fall of the Roman republic, a usury of the same kind seems to
  have been common in the provinces, under the ruinous administration of
  their proconsuls. The virtuous Brutus lent money in Cyprus at
  eight-and-forty per cent. as we learn from the letters of Cicero.

  In a country which had acquired that full complement of riches which the
  nature of its soil and climate, and its situation with respect to other
  countries, allowed it to acquire, which could, therefore, advance no
  further, and which was not going backwards, both the wages of labour and
  the profits of stock would probably be very low. In a country fully
  peopled in proportion to what either its territory could maintain, or its
  stock employ, the competition for employment would necessarily be so great
  as to reduce the wages of labour to what was barely sufficient to keep up
  the number of labourers, and the country being already fully peopled, that
  number could never be augmented. In a country fully stocked in proportion
  to all the business it had to transact, as great a quantity of stock would
  be employed in every particular branch as the nature and extent of the
  trade would admit. The competition, therefore, would everywhere be as
  great, and, consequently, the ordinary profit as low as possible.

  But, perhaps, no country has ever yet arrived at this degree of opulence.
  China seems to have been long stationary, and had, probably, long ago
  acquired that full complement of riches which is consistent with the
  nature of its laws and institutions. But this complement may be much
  inferior to what, with other laws and institutions, the nature of its
  soil, climate, and situation, might admit of. A country which neglects or
  despises foreign commerce, and which admits the vessel of foreign nations
  into one or two of its ports only, cannot transact the same quantity of
  business which it might do with different laws and institutions. In a
  country, too, where, though the rich, or the owners of large capitals,
  enjoy a good deal of security, the poor, or the owners of small capitals,
  enjoy scarce any, but are liable, under the pretence of justice, to be
  pillaged and plundered at any time by the inferior mandarins, the quantity
  of stock employed in all the different branches of business transacted
  within it, can never be equal to what the nature and extent of that
  business might admit. In every different branch, the oppression of the
  poor must establish the monopoly of the rich, who, by engrossing the whole
  trade to themselves, will be able to make very large profits. Twelve per
  cent. accordingly, is said to be the common interest of money in China,
  and the ordinary profits of stock must be sufficient to afford this large
  interest.

  A defect in the law may sometimes raise the rate of interest considerably
  above what the condition of the country, as to wealth or poverty, would
  require. When the law does not enforce the performance of contracts, it
  puts all borrowers nearly upon the same footing with bankrupts, or people
  of doubtful credit, in better regulated countries. The uncertainty of
  recovering his money makes the lender exact the same usurious interest
  which is usually required from bankrupts. Among the barbarous nations who
  overran the western provinces of the Roman empire, the performance of
  contracts was left for many ages to the faith of the contracting parties.
  The courts of justice of their kings seldom intermeddled in it. The high
  rate of interest which took place in those ancient times, may, perhaps, be
  partly accounted for from this cause.

  When the law prohibits interest altogether, it does not prevent it. Many
  people must borrow, and nobody will lend without such a consideration for
  the use of their money as is suitable, not only to what can be made by the
  use of it, but to the difficulty and danger of evading the law. The high
  rate of interest among all Mahometan nations is accounted for by M.
  Montesquieu, not from their poverty, but partly from this, and partly from
  the difficulty of recovering the money.

  The lowest ordinary rate of profit must always be something more than what
  is sufficient to compensate the occasional losses to which every
  employment of stock is exposed. It is this surplus only which is neat or
  clear profit. What is called gross profit, comprehends frequently not only
  this surplus, but what is retained for compensating such extraordinary
  losses. The interest which the borrower can afford to pay is in proportion
  to the clear profit only. The lowest ordinary rate of interest must, in
  the same manner, be something more than sufficient to compensate the
  occasional losses to which lending, even with tolerable prudence, is
  exposed. Were it not, mere charity or friendship could be the only motives
  for lending.

  In a country which had acquired its full complement of riches, where, in
  every particular branch of business, there was the greatest quantity of
  stock that could be employed in it, as the ordinary rate of clear profit
  would be very small, so the usual market rate of interest which could be
  afforded out of it would be so low as to render it impossible for any but
  the very wealthiest people to live upon the interest of their money. All
  people of small or middling fortunes would be obliged to superintend
  themselves the employment of their own stocks. It would be necessary that
  almost every man should be a man of business, or engage in some sort of
  trade. The province of Holland seems to be approaching near to this state.
  It is there unfashionable not to be a man of business. Necessity makes it
  usual for almost every man to be so, and custom everywhere regulates
  fashion. As it is ridiculous not to dress, so is it, in some measure, not
  to be employed like other people. As a man of a civil profession seems
  awkward in a camp or a garrison, and is even in some danger of being
  despised there, so does an idle man among men of business.

  The highest ordinary rate of profit may be such as, in the price of the
  greater part of commodities, eats up the whole of what should go to the
  rent of the land, and leaves only what is sufficient to pay the labour of
  preparing and bringing them to market, according to the lowest rate at
  which labour can anywhere be paid, the bare subsistence of the labourer.
  The workman must always have been fed in some way or other while he was
  about the work, but the landlord may not always have been paid. The
  profits of the trade which the servants of the East India Company carry on
  in Bengal may not, perhaps, be very far from this rate.

  The proportion which the usual market rate of interest ought to bear to
  the ordinary rate of clear profit, necessarily varies as profit rises or
  falls. Double interest is in Great Britain reckoned what the merchants
  call a good, moderate, reasonable profit; terms which, I apprehend, mean
  no more than a common and usual profit. In a country where the ordinary
  rate of clear profit is eight or ten per cent. it may be reasonable that
  one half of it should go to interest, wherever business is carried on with
  borrowed money. The stock is at the risk of the borrower, who, as it were,
  insures it to the lender; and four or five per cent. may, in the greater
  part of trades, be both a sufficient profit upon the risk of this
  insurance, and a sufficient recompence for the trouble of employing the
  stock. But the proportion between interest and clear profit might not be
  the same in countries where the ordinary rate of profit was either a good
  deal lower, or a good deal higher. If it were a good deal lower, one half
  of it, perhaps, could not be afforded for interest; and more might be
  afforded if it were a good deal higher.

  In countries which are fast advancing to riches, the low rate of profit
  may, in the price of many commodities, compensate the high wages of
  labour, and enable those countries to sell as cheap as their less thriving
  neighbours, among whom the wages of labour may be lower.

  In reality, high profits tend much more to raise the price of work than
  high wages. If, in the linen manufacture, for example, the wages of the
  different working people, the flax-dressers, the spinners, the weavers,
  etc. should all of them be advanced twopence a-day, it would be necessary
  to heighten the price of a piece of linen only by a number of twopences
  equal to the number of people that had been employed about it, multiplied
  by the number of days during which they had been so employed. That part of
  the price of the commodity which resolved itself into the wages, would,
  through all the different stages of the manufacture, rise only in
  arithmetical proportion to this rise of wages. But if the profits of all
  the different employers of those working people should be raised five per
  cent. that part of the price of the commodity which resolved itself into
  profit would, through all the different stages of the manufacture, rise in
  geometrical proportion to this rise of profit. The employer of the flax
  dressers would, in selling his flax, require an additional five per cent.
  upon the whole value of the materials and wages which he advanced to his
  workmen. The employer of the spinners would require an additional five per
  cent. both upon the advanced price of the flax, and upon the wages of the
  spinners. And the employer of the weavers would require alike five per
  cent. both upon the advanced price of the linen-yarn, and upon the wages
  of the weavers. In raising the price of commodities, the rise of wages
  operates in the same manner as simple interest does in the accumulation of
  debt. The rise of profit operates like compound interest. Our merchants
  and master manufacturers complain much of the bad effects of high wages in
  raising the price, and thereby lessening the sale of their goods, both at
  home and abroad. They say nothing concerning the bad effects of high
  profits; they are silent with regard to the pernicious effects of their
  own gains; they complain only of those of other people.